By Shannon Speed, R. Aida Hernandez Castillo, Lynn M. Stephen
Yielding pivotal new views at the indigenous girls of Mexico, "Dissident girls: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas" offers a various choice of voices exploring the human rights and gender concerns that won foreign realization after the 1st public visual appeal of the Zapatista nationwide Liberation military (EZLN) in 1994. Drawing from reviews on issues starting from the lifestyle of Zapatista girls to the impact of transnational indigenous ladies in tipping geopolitical scales, the individuals discover either the private and international implications of indigenous women's activism. The Zapatista circulate and the Women's innovative legislations, a constitution that got here to have super symbolic value for hundreds of thousands of indigenous girls, created the potential of renegotiating gender roles in Zapatista groups. Drawing at the unique learn of students with long term box adventure in quite a number Mayan groups in Chiapas and that includes numerous key records written by way of indigenous ladies articulating their imaginative and prescient, "Dissident ladies" brings clean perception to the progressive crossroads at which Chiapas stands - and to the global implications of this financial and political microcosm.
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Additional info for Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas (Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture Series)
Portions were published as “El grito de la luna. Mujeres: Derecho y tradición,” Ojarasca (August–September 1994). In 1995 the Grupo de Mujeres de San Cristóbal produced a video about the document under the title Sentimos fuerte nuestro corazón: Los derechos de las mujeres en nuestras costumbres y tradiciones. The translation of this document into English was sponsored by CONACYT as part of the research project, “New and Old Spaces of Power: Indigenous Women, Collective Organization and Resistance” (38784-S).
We are giving instructions to architect Fernando Yañez Muñoz to, in the shortest possible time, put himself in contact with the Commission of Concordance and Peace and with government peace commissioner Senator Luis H. Alvarez and to propose that, together, they travel to the southeast state of Chiapas and certify personally that the seven positions are free of all military presence, and, thus, one of the three signs demanded by the EZLN for the resumption of dialogue. Third. — We are also instructing architect Fernando Yañez Muñoz to become accredited with the federal government headed by Vicente Fox in the capacity of official liaison for the EZLN with the government peace commissioner, and to work in coordination in order to achieve the fulfillment, as quickly as possible, of the two remaining signs so that dialogue may be formally resumed: the release of all Zapatista prisoners and the constitutional recognition of indigenous rights and culture according to the Cocopa legislative proposal.
One where, in the defining moments of our history, all of us rise above the differences to what we have in common, that is, being Mexican. This is one of those historic moments. In this Congress the federal Executive does not govern, nor do the Zapatistas. Nor does any political party govern it. The Congress of the Union is made up of differences, but everyone has in common the fact of their being legislators and having concern for the national well-being. That difference and that equality are now presented with the opportunity to see very far ahead and to discern, at the present moment, the hour to come.
Dissident Women: Gender and Cultural Politics in Chiapas (Louann Atkins Temple Women & Culture Series) by Shannon Speed, R. Aida Hernandez Castillo, Lynn M. Stephen